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History of planning · Critics: the debate over the possibility of calculation

Oskar Ryszard Lange

1904–1965 · Polish economist, statistician and statesman, author of the model of market socialism, member of the Polish Academy of Sciences

Lange gave the best-known reply to Mises and Hayek: a socialist planning board can find prices by trial and error, imitating the market. He was both a theorist and a practitioner — a professor at the University of Chicago, an ambassador, chairman of the Economic Council attached to the government of Poland — and his fate therefore shows how an elegant model meets real politics. In his late article “The Computer and the Market” he proposed replacing the market altogether with a computer, and this debate is topical again today.

Who he was and his times

Oskar Lange was born in 1904 in Tomaszów Mazowiecki, then in the Piotrków Governorate of the Russian Empire, into a manufacturer’s family. He graduated from the Jagiellonian University in Kraków, obtained an academic degree there and taught there in 1927–1931. Already as a student, according to the Great Russian Encyclopedia, he took part in the socialist youth movement and worked in the Polish Socialist Party; from the very beginning, then, he combined scholarship and politics.

In 1934 a Rockefeller Foundation fellowship took him to Great Britain and then to the United States. Here, at the height of the socialist calculation debate, he published in The Review of Economic Studies the two-part article “On the Economic Theory of Socialism” (October 1936 and February 1937). From 1938 Lange worked at the University of Chicago, and in 1943 he became an American citizen. In parallel he worked on pure economic theory, writing on welfare economics and on the flexibility of prices and employment.

The Chicago period is important for understanding his views. In 1942 his work on the foundations of welfare economics appeared, in 1943 a pamphlet on the working principles of the Soviet economy, and in 1944 the book Price Flexibility and Employment. Lange was a recognised specialist in equilibrium theory and at the same time a man of left-wing convictions, and his model of socialism grew out of the combination of these two lines. According to the American Concise Encyclopedia of Economics, he allowed for a substantial private sector in a socialist economy, believing that private enterprise provides the flexibility and adaptability that state enterprises lack.

At the end of the Second World War Lange renounced his American citizenship and became the first ambassador of the new Poland to the United States (1945–1947), and in 1946 he represented Poland on the UN Security Council. In 1947 he returned home; from 1948 he was a member of the Polish United Workers’ Party and its Central Committee. He was a professor and rector of the Main School of Planning and Statistics in Warsaw, from 1956 a professor at the University of Warsaw, in 1957–1962 he headed the Economic Council attached to the Council of Ministers, and in 1961–1965 he was deputy chairman of the Council of State of the Polish People’s Republic. Lange died in 1965 in London, where he had gone for medical treatment.

Key ideas

Lange’s model drew on the work of the American Fred Taylor (1929) and the Briton Abba Lerner and on general equilibrium theory. Its idea is that efficient allocation of resources does not require prices to emerge on a free market; it is enough that prices perform their “parametric” function — serving all participants as given guideposts. The market for consumer goods and free choice of occupation are preserved: people decide for themselves what to buy and where to work, receiving wages and a share of the income from social capital, the so-called social dividend.

The means of production belong to the state, and their prices are set by the Central Planning Board. Enterprise managers are given two rules: choose the combination of resources at which average costs are minimal, and produce as much output as makes price equal to marginal cost — the cost of producing the last, additional unit. If at the set price a good is in short supply, the planning board raises the price; if a surplus forms, it lowers it. This process of trial and error, in Lange’s view, leads to equilibrium just as the market does, but without monopolies, income inequality and crises, which he considered the vices of capitalism.

Lange believed that he had thereby answered Mises: calculation under socialism is possible because prices as guideposts can be reproduced without private property. With a certain irony he wrote that a statue of Mises ought to be erected in the great hall of the ministry of socialisation or of the central planning board — in gratitude for having forced socialists to take economic accounting seriously. Hayek’s argument that thousands of equations would have to be solved Lange dismissed in the 1930s by saying that no one solves the equations explicitly: they are “solved” by the price-adjustment procedure itself.

Thirty years later, in the article “The Computer and the Market”, published posthumously in 1967 in a volume in honour of Maurice Dobb, Lange proposed an even simpler answer: put the system of equations on an electronic computer. The market, he wrote, can be regarded as a kind of computing device working on the feedback principle, but it is slow and generates cycles. In the same article, however, he acknowledged the limitations of machines: their capacity is finite, the market for consumer goods remains necessary, and for long-term investment current prices are altogether unsuitable, so methods of mathematical programming with shadow prices are needed there.

What became of the ideas in practice

Lange’s model was never implemented anywhere in its pure form. On returning to Poland he found himself in a country where the Soviet model of centralised planning was being established in the late 1940s. According to reference works, in the early 1950s Lange publicly supported Stalinist economic policy, which many researchers attribute to the political pressure of the time. After 1956, when the “thaw” began in Poland, his views became acceptable again, and he gained the opportunity to influence economic policy.

The Economic Council that Lange headed in 1957–1962 prepared proposals for decentralising management, giving enterprises greater autonomy and using economic incentives. These proposals, like the kindred Soviet discussions that culminated in the 1965 reform, largely remained on paper or were rolled back. Historians usually see the reason not in theoretical flaws but in the resistance of the party and economic apparatus, for which enterprise autonomy meant a loss of control.

In his last years Lange devoted himself more and more to econometrics and economic cybernetics. He wrote the first econometrics textbook in Eastern Europe (Polish edition 1958, Russian translation 1964) and the books Optimal Decisions and Introduction to Economic Cybernetics. This line brought him close to the Soviet advocates of optimal planning — Kantorovich, Nemchinov and Fedorenko — and to automated management projects such as OGAS. As in the USSR, the computational programme in Poland ran into obstacles that were institutional rather than technical.

It is useful to compare Lange’s model with how prices were actually set in the Soviet system. There, prices for industrial products were, as a rule, calculated from normative costs plus a mark-up and revised once every several years, rather than adjusted in response to signs of shortage or surplus. In other words, what was taken from Lange’s model was the state setting of prices, but not its principal part — continuous adjustment according to signals of supply and demand. That is why some researchers believe the model was never tested at all, while others believe that its infeasibility in a one-party state is itself the result of the test.

What worked and what did not

In theory, Lange’s model was a success. For a long time Western textbooks held that Lange and like-minded economists had won the calculation debate: they showed that the formal conditions of efficiency do not require private property. The idea that a price can be a signal which the centre computes and corrects influenced the theory of optimal planning and reformers in socialist countries who were looking for a way to combine plan and market.

In practice, the model did not survive its encounter with what it lacked. First, it contains almost no incentives: the manager of a state enterprise is supposed to follow the rule “price equals marginal cost” conscientiously, but why would he do so if no one will punish him for losses and only he knows the cost data? Second, centralised adjustment of thousands or millions of prices inevitably lags, especially when new goods and technologies appear. Third, the model presupposes a planning regulator that impartially follows the rules, whereas in a real one-party system prices became an instrument of politics — for the sake of social stability they were left unchanged for years.

The article “The Computer and the Market” proved both prophetic and naive. Prophetic, because linear programming problems of very large size have indeed since been solved by machines. Naive, because the main difficulty, as both Soviet and Polish experience showed, lies not in solving equations but in obtaining honest input data and in who distorts that data and why. Lange himself, by acknowledging that the real market remains the test of the machine’s forecasts, in effect agreed that computation does not remove the need for verification.

There is also a subtler conclusion. In the 1967 article Lange wrote explicitly that current prices are unsuitable for long-term investment, because investment itself changes the conditions of supply and demand. This admission means that even in his model the key decisions on development would be taken not by a market mechanism or simple price adjustment but by a conscious choice of the centre based on calculations. Thus the question of who makes this choice, how, and who verifies it remained open in Lange’s work, and in real-life Poland it was settled by the party apparatus.

Debate and criticism

Hayek replied to Lange in the article “Socialist Calculation: The Competitive ‘Solution’” (1940). He pointed out that the model describes a static equilibrium, whereas the real market is a process of discovering the new; that assigned prices would be too crude and revised too rarely; and that managers bearing no risk of their own would not look for better methods of production. Mises, for his part, insisted that without owners answerable with their own capital, the prices in Lange’s model are merely an accounting convention.

Later criticism developed the same themes. Don Lavoie in Rivalry and Central Planning (1985) argued that Lange and his supporters answered a different question from the one the Austrians had asked. János Kornai, who studied real attempts to combine state ownership and the market in Hungary, showed that enterprises in such systems operate under soft budget constraints: the state covers their losses, and price signals lose their force. Many regard this finding as an empirical refutation of the hopes that had been placed in Lange’s model.

There are also defenders. The economists Pranab Bardhan and John Roemer in the 1990s acknowledged that Lange’s model in its original form is unviable but tried to preserve its idea by supplementing it with competition among firms and bank monitoring. Paul Cockshott and Allin Cottrell in 1993, examining the debate, proposed an alternative path — calculation in labour time with the help of modern computing tools. The dispute over what exactly the experience of Eastern Europe showed — the failure of the idea or the failure of its implementation in one-party states — continues.

The most substantive criticism of Lange came, perhaps, not from an Austrian but from a researcher who had long lived inside a system undergoing reform. In a 1986 article on the Hungarian reforms, János Kornai examined the reformers’ hope of combining socialist equality with capitalist efficiency and concluded that market socialism based on state ownership does not work. The main reason, according to Kornai, is not that the centre computes prices badly, as Hayek thought, nor the absence of market prices, as Mises thought, but that the state as owner cannot credibly promise not to rescue a loss-making enterprise. This argument hits Lange’s model most precisely: the rule “price equals marginal cost” means nothing if breaking the rule does not threaten bankruptcy.

Legacy today

Lange remains the central figure of market socialism and a symbol of the hope that plan and market can be combined without loss of efficiency. In Poland his legacy is politically contested because of his role in the party-state system, but in the history of economic thought he is recognised as one of the strongest theorists of his generation. His 1967 article became the starting point for today’s debates about whether big data and computation can replace market prices.

For Open Planning, Lange’s experience is above all a warning. A model in which the centre sets the rules and contractors are supposed to follow them conscientiously breaks down where contractors have no incentives of their own and where the verifier depends on the same apparatus as the verified. That is why in our model resource prices are not assigned but discovered at auctions, the contractor risks collateral, and verification is separated from execution.

At the same time, Lange left a useful idea: adjustment based on facts instead of a plan fixed in advance. His trial-and-error method essentially describes iterative recalculation, and his late article honestly acknowledges that the machine does not abolish the market as a test. The main lesson of his biography, however, is that even the best model will not be implemented if the system lacks a mechanism that prevents the apparatus from blocking a reform inconvenient to itself.

Today Lange’s ideas have unexpectedly come back to life outside the socialist context. Large digital platforms and electricity networks use algorithms that continuously adjust prices in response to signs of shortage and surplus — that is, they do roughly what Lange entrusted to the central planning board. The difference is that these algorithms operate within a competitive environment and under the supervision of regulators rather than replacing them. Advocates of new planning see this as proof that Lange was right, critics as proof that price adjustment works only where there is competition and independent verification; which interpretation is closer to the truth remains a matter of debate.

What open planning takes

  • Iterative adjustment instead of a rigid plan. Lange’s trial-and-error method corresponds to our recalculation based on facts: the parameters of quotas and contracts are corrected according to measurement results, but by a rule published in advance rather than at an agency’s discretion.
  • Preserving the consumer goods market and free choice of work. As with Lange, the plan in our model does not determine what people buy or where they work; the frame concerns public goals, not private consumption.
  • Computation does not replace verification. Lange acknowledged that the real market remains the test of the machine’s forecasts; in our model tools are secondary, and payment is possible only on the basis of a measurement record, not of a model’s output.
  • The lesson of reforms blocked by the apparatus. The proposals of Lange’s Economic Council were largely rolled back; the separation rule and the publication of goal decisions are needed so that the executing agency cannot quietly cancel rules that are inconvenient to it.

What we do not repeat

  • We do not have resource prices set by a central body. In Lange’s model prices are set by the planning board, and they inevitably lag and become politicised; in ours the price of a quota is discovered at auction, and the centre sets only the volume.
  • We do not rely on the good faith of managers who have no incentives and bear no responsibility. Lange’s model does not answer the question of why a manager would honestly follow the rules; our model has collateral, deferred payment and external measurement.
  • We do not repeat the belief that computing power removes the problem of planning. Lange’s experience, like that of OGAS, shows that the difficulty lies in the honesty of data and the interests of agencies, not in the speed of calculation.
  • We do not build a mechanism inside a system without democratic control over goals. Lange worked in a one-party state where economic rules were subordinated to politics; without a public goal-setting loop, any model turns into technocracy.

Timeline

  1. 1904

    Born in Tomaszów Mazowiecki

  2. 1926

    Graduates from the Jagiellonian University in Kraków

  3. 1936–1937

    The article “On the Economic Theory of Socialism” in The Review of Economic Studies

  4. 1938

    Begins work at the University of Chicago

  5. 1945

    First ambassador of the new Poland to the United States (until 1947)

  6. 1947

    Returns to Poland

  7. 1957

    Chairman of the Economic Council attached to the Council of Ministers of the Polish People’s Republic (until 1962)

  8. 1961

    Deputy chairman of the Council of State of the Polish People’s Republic (until 1965)

  9. 1965

    Dies in London

  10. 1967

    Posthumous publication of the article “The Computer and the Market”

Key works

  • 1936–1937On the Economic Theory of Socialism
  • 1944Price Flexibility and Employment
  • 1958Introduction to Econometrics
  • 1959Political Economy, vol. 1
  • 1964Optimal Decisions: Principles of Programming
  • 1967The Computer and the Market

Sources

  1. Большая российская энциклопедия. Ланге Оскар. 2017
  2. Oskar Lange; The Review of Economic Studies. On the Economic Theory of Socialism. Part One. 1936
  3. Oskar Lange; The Review of Economic Studies. On the Economic Theory of Socialism: Part Two. 1937
  4. Oskar Lange. The Computer and the Market. 1967
  5. C. H. Feinstein (ed.); Slavic Review. Socialism, Capitalism and Economic Growth: Essays Presented to Maurice Dobb. 1967
  6. The Concise Encyclopedia of Economics, Econlib. Oskar Ryszard Lange. б. г.
  7. International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Encyclopedia.com. Lange, Oskar. б. г.
  8. Википедия. Oskar R. Lange. 2025
  9. Википедия. Lange model. 2025
  10. The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics. Socialist Calculation Debate. 2018
  11. Online Library of Liberty. Rothbard, Lange, Mises, and Praxeology. б. г.
  12. Encyklopedia PWN. Lange Oskar Ryszard. б. г.
  13. Allin Cottrell, W. Paul Cockshott. Calculation, complexity and planning: the socialist calculation debate once again. 1993

Prepared from open sources. Dates, titles and quotations were checked against the source list at the bottom of the page; where sources disagree, the text says so.

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